An Economic Theory of Greed, Love, Groups, and Networks by Professor Paul Frijters, Dr Gigi Foster

By Professor Paul Frijters, Dr Gigi Foster

Why are humans dependable? How do teams shape and the way do they convey incentives for his or her participants to abide by way of team norms? formerly, economics has simply been in a position to in part resolution those questions. during this groundbreaking paintings, Paul Frijters provides a brand new unified conception of human behaviour. to take action, he comprises complete but tractable definitions of affection and gear, and the dynamics of teams and networks, into the normal mainstream financial view. the result's an greater view of human societies that however keeps the pursuit of self-interest at its middle. This booklet presents a digestible yet entire conception of our socioeconomic approach, which condenses its giant complexity into simplified representations. the outcome either illuminates humanity's historical past and indicates methods ahead for regulations this day, in parts as assorted as poverty relief and tax compliance.

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An Economic Theory of Greed, Love, Groups, and Networks

Why are humans dependable? How do teams shape and the way do they bring about incentives for his or her participants to abide via crew norms? in the past, economics has simply been capable of in part resolution those questions. during this groundbreaking paintings, Paul Frijters provides a brand new unified conception of human behaviour. to take action, he comprises entire but tractable definitions of affection and tool, and the dynamics of teams and networks, into the normal mainstream monetary view.

Extra resources for An Economic Theory of Greed, Love, Groups, and Networks

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This pragmatism is no more than a reflection of the situation in which we already find ourselves in social science. All we currently have are consistent stories about small parts of our societies, and vaguer stories about how the smaller parts fit together in an overall view. Almost any two different models in economics formally clash. For example, the mainstream model one uses to analyze the competition between two firms will differ in its assumptions from the model one uses to analyze the effect of interest rate rises on house prices.

5% agreed with the same statement. 7% of respondents agreed with the same statement. A 2011 survey of Australian economists, which I helped to initiate and run,7 found (p. 6) that about 60% of respondents agreed with the fairly strong statement that “Australia should unilaterally reduce all artificial barriers to international trade including subsidies, tariffs and import quotas,” while only 26% disagreed with that statement. The AEA survey from 2007 (Whaples 2009) found (p. 343) that 83% of economists agreed that the US “should eliminate remaining tariffs and other barriers to trade,” a stronger statement than that used by Kearl et al.

As an illustration of analog reasoning, suppose one wants to model the economic phenomenon of labor migration. One way to view labor migration is to think of it as a flowing river. Within that metaphor, one can appeal to concepts that capture the key aspects of flowing rivers. For argument’s sake, take the key image of a flowing river to consist of gravity, a fluid, and some resistant surface. ” By then making appropriate assumptions about those aspects of the phenomenon, one can come up with mental models that mimic migration flows, “explained” by the concepts of wage differences, populations, and institutions.

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